Friday, January 31, 2014

There is no official military information

Renamo guerrillas attacked government troops yesterday (30), and in Satungira Vunduzi. The battle began midmorning and ended around noon involving use of recoilless B-10 and anti-aircraft systems "ZG-1" and "ZU-23." The government eventually retreating army, the guerrillas have taken over part of the area and seized some weapons. Three military trucks and armored who were stationed at the base were strafed. Low in guerrillha are unknown. Not independent sources say that 32 government soldiers were killed on the spot and several other bodies are scattered in the woods because some desperate escape were hunted down and slaughtered. On the same day a group of Mozambique's Armed Forces who withdrew himself from Satungira area was ambushed in Tazaronda, 10 km. There is no mention of casualties.   In another large-scale military operation also held Thursday (30) designed to destroy umaa advanced Renamo base in Subué district Maringué government troops failed in their attempt to take the post, having been repelled their advance, with local news that there are at least 40 wounded. Some wounded, including some from bands Vunduzi, were treated at a local hospital and the rest were evacuated to the cities of Beira and Chimoio. In Satungira Vunduzi and may have been destroyed an entire battalion (300 men) from the beginning of the week. State media have made no allusion to the advancement of the Armed Forces. (Facebook Unay Cambuma)

Thursday, January 30, 2014

GUEBUZA WANTS RENAMO TO PARTICIPATE IN ELECTIONS

Mozambican President Armando Guebuza declared in Addis Ababa on Wednesday that he hopes to see the former rebel movement Renamo participating in the presidential, parliamentary and provincial elections scheduled for 15 October.Speaking at a meeting with the Mozambican community resident in Ethiopia, where he is to attend the African Union heads of state summit this week, Guebuza said “Renamo did not participate in the last municipal elections, and we want it to participate in the next general elections and take its place in society, particularly at the level of the policies we are applying in the country”.He added that because Renamo boycotted the municipal elections, Renamo now has no presence at all in the country’s 53 municipal assemblies. Renamo still has 51 members sitting in the Mozambican parliament, the Assembly of the Republic, but they too would disappear, if Renamo’s boycott policy were to continue. “If Renamo does not take part in the elections, then these brains (of the Renamo deputies) are not going to be very productive on the political scene of our country”, Guebuza said. He also expressed his concern at the attacks by Renamo gunmen against vehicles and other civilian and military targets, which have caused a trail of death and destruction. He said the government is attempting to end these attacks, but for this to happen, “Renamo must feel part of our society and must make its contribution”.“That’s why we’re holding a dialogue with Renamo”, he stressed. That dialogue was interrupted for three months, with Renamo boycotting meetings, because it was demanding the presence of Mozambican and foreign observers and mediators. But Renamo came back to the dialogue table on Monday. There had been other channels of communication, but Guebuza believed “the best way of making these contacts is through this dialogue which can allow us to solve the problems we have. It’s through dialogue that the solution can be found to problems, and can lead to the integration, or reintegration, of Renamo into society”. 
The President stressed that any agreement or understanding reached with Renamo must not call into question the Mozambican constitution, and “any agreement reached should result in a Mozambique better than the Mozambique we have today”. For Guebuza there was no sufficient explanation for the current politico-military tensions. He pointed out that the government and Renamo had signed a general peace agreement in 1992, bringing an end to the 16 year long war of destabilisation, and allowing the country to reach its current stage of economic and social development.But now one of the signatories, Renamo, “says it’s not satisfied with what is happened and wants to go back and check the peace accord. We say no, you can’t go back to the accord because it’s been incorporated into the constitution”.Guebuza stressed there is no such thing as a finished society. “We look throughout the world and we see that there are more developed and less developed countries, and they all have their problems”.Working together was the best way of solving problems, even the distribution of wealth, he said, because “the resort to weapons does not help in any way”.Guebuza also spoke of the exploitation of the country’s natural resources, pointing out that while they remained untouched in the subsoil, they were no more than “a promise”. “Now we have to work so that these promises become a reality”, he said. “The resources are under the ground, now we have to take them out, and we have to transform them so that they become more useful”.Then came the question of distribution of wealth. “We can’t distribute something we don’t have”, stressed Guebuza.Over the past 15 years, Mozambique has been recording an average annual growth rate of seven per cent, he added. “Now, with the presence of coal and natural gas, we have expectations that growth can be higher”.But to achieve this, serious logistical challenges had to be overcome. “Fortunately people are becoming increasingly aware of the importance of this”, said Guebuza, “and our schools and institutes are turning towards training in the area of logistics”.
Also in Addis Ababa is prominent Mozambican academic Lourenco do Rosario who has been in regular contact with Renamo leader Afonso Dhlakama, and has been transmitting messages between Dhlakama and Guebuza. The government has accepted Rosario and Anglican bishop Dinis Sengulane as observers in the dialogue with Renamo.Speaking in the Ethiopian capital (where he is attending a meeting of the African Peer Review Mechanism), Rosario told the independent television station STV that Dhlakama is now willing to demilitarize Renamo.“He accepts the principle of disarming his forces”, Rosario said. But the Renamo leader had also told him “he didn’t want to have the same problems that the government has with demobilised soldiers”.He was presumably referring to the sporadic demonstrations held in Maputo by the Forum of Demobilised Soldiers in pursuit of higher pensions. 






Wednesday, January 29, 2014

WORK ON TETE IRON ORE SMELTER TO BEGIN IN 2015

The Mozambican company Capitol Resources, which is a wholly owned subsidiary of the Australian Baobab Resources, has guaranteed that the construction of an iron ore smelter in Moatize district, in the western Mozambican province of Tete, will begin next year.According to a report in the Beira daily paper “Diario de Mocambique”, the Boabab exploration manager, Iain Plews, during a visit to the iron ore project by the Tete provincial governor, Paulo Auade, said that the company hopes that the smelter will be in production by the end of 2016.Exploration undertaken by Baobab has shown the existence of reserves of 750 million tonnes of iron. The company is investing a billion US dollars in the smelter, which will have the initial capacity to produce one million tonnes of pig iron per year. At a later stage, the company may also produce steel n Tete.Currently Capitol Resources employs 66 workers, 64 of whom are Mozambicans. Plews says that as the plans for the smelter advance, the number of people directly employed will rise to around 500.“We believe that this large scale industrial project will contribute significantly to the development of Mozambique”, he said.The Baobab licence area is immediately north of the open cast coal mines operated by Vale of Brazil and the Anglo-Australian company Rio Tinto.Previously, Baobab had claimed that its operations could see Mozambique hosting the largest pig iron operation in the world. By-products of the Moatize iron ore include vanadium and titanium slag. Further refining of the vanadium slag results in the production of ferro-vanadium alloy, which currently has a world marked price of around 25,000 dollars a tonne The Tete pig iron, vanadium and titanium project is 85 per cent owned by Baobab, with a 15 per cent share held by the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the member of the World Bank Group that focuses on the private sector in developing countries.

RAINS CUT MAIN NORTH-SOUTH ROAD

Road traffic between northern and southern Mozambique has been interrupted since Sunday – not because of further attacks by gunmen of the former rebel movement Renamo, but because torrential rains have caused the Ripembe river, in the central river of Sofala, to burst its banks.The Ripembe lies between the small town of Muxungue and the Save river, marking the boundary between Sofala and Inhambane provinces. The Save-Muxungue stretch of the main north-south highway has come under repeated Renamo attack since June last year. As a result, vehicles have only been travelling along this 100 kilometre stretch in convoys under military escort.Even that has become impossible. According to Arnaldo Machoe, administrator of Chibabaca district, where Muxungue is located, cited in the Beira daily “Diario de Mocambique”, the Ripembe river has swept over the main road, and the bridge over the river is under water. “The whole area around the bridge is covered with water and the current is very strong, which does not allow vehicles to circulate”, said Machoe. “On Sunday, it was still possible to organise a military convoy, but only with trucks. Light vehicles were not allowed to pass. But on Monday there was no convoy at all, and we don’t know when traffic will be re-established”.
The result is that long queues of vehicles have built up at Muxungue and at the bridge over the Save, their drivers and passengers taken by surprise, and nobody is sure when they will be able to continue their journey.According to a report in Wednesday’s issue of the independent newsheet “Mediafax”, a second small river, the Muaria, has also burst its banks. The waters surging over the road have damaged the tarmac surface, and have widened the two trenches that Renamo dug in the road late last year.A “Mediafax” journalist who visited the Save bridge found there were about 2,000 bus passengers there, waiting for the waters to subside. Many have run out of both the food and the money they brought with them for the journey. In theory, passengers could sleep and eat in the nearby town of Vila Franca do Save – but the town has no banks and no cash machines. The situation is similar in Muxungue.Traders are cashing in, by attempting to sell their goods and services at inflated prices. A small bottle of mineral water should cost no more than 20 meticais (about 66 US cents) – but thirsty passengers on the Save bridge are being forced to pay 70 meticais. The price of a can of soft drink has risen from 30 to 55 meticais. Shopkeepers in Vila Franca do Save are charging 100 meticais for anyone who wants to take a bath, and 50 meticais for charging a mobile phone.

SENIOR FRELIMO MEMBERS DENOUNCE VIOLATION OF STATUTES

Several senior members of Mozambique’s ruling Frelimo Party have signed a petition demanding that the Party’s disciplinary body, the Verification Commission, annul the current procedures to select the Frelimo candidate for the presidential elections scheduled for 15 October. The petition was published by the weekly “Magazine Independente” (MI), and is circulating widely on the Internet. MI withheld the names of the signatories, since more signatures are still being added.  Is aware that the signatories include some of the most significant names in Frelimo’s history. In December, the Frelimo Political Commission announced a short list of three names of possible presidential candidates – Prime Minister Alberto Vaquina, Agriculture Minister Jose Pacheco and Defence Minister Filipe Nyussi. This list was to be submitted to the Party’s Central Committee to make the definitive choice of candidate at a meeting to be held at the end of February.The Frelimo General Secretary, Filipe Paunde, declared at a press conference that this list of “pre-candidates” was final – no other names could be put forward. This month, in an entirely unprecedented move, Vaquina, Pacheco and Nyussi have been campaigning in the Party’s provincial committees – even though the provincial committees have no say in the choice of candidate, and do not mandate members of the Central Committee. The petitioners object to these procedures, and say that the Frelimo Statutes are being trampled upon. “Serious irregularities” had been deliberately committed, they warned, with potentially disastrous consequences.They were appealing to the Verification Commission “on the basis of the principle that this is a fundamental right of Frelimo members. We are convinced that remaining silent before the ruin to which some members are leading the Party is to become accomplices in this destruction”. 
“We are convinced that, in this difficult but determinant moment, the salvation and future of the Party lies in the responsibility of each member to take a clear position, resting on the principles of our Party, without any fear of damaging personal consequences”, they added.  They pointed out that the decision on the Frelimo presidential candidate must be taken by the Central Committee, and not by the Political Commission, which is a lower body, elected by the Central Committee. The Political Commission has the power to propose names – but these are only proposals and cannot bind the Central Committee, which is free to consider other names submitted by other Central Committee members.  “The statutes are clear”, says the petition. “They state that the decisions of higher bodies are binding on lower bodies. Not that the decisions of lower bodies are binding on higher ones”.  “It is the prerogative of the Central Committee to accept the proposals made to it, to reject them, or to consider any others, voting in full freedom”, it stresses. To claim that the Central Committee’s choice “is limited to the list proposed by the Political Commission means to invert the hierarchy, leading to the usurpation by lower bodies of the functions of higher ones”.
Furthermore the Political Commission should have made its proposals directly to the Central Committee instead of announcing them through the media. This violation of procedure, the signatories say, “is a serious violation of the dignity of the Central Committee, because it is this body, and only this body, which should receive the proposals at first hand”. A further serious breach of the Statutes, the signatories argue, is the campaigning under way in the provincial committees. This was “putting the cart before the horse”, the petition says. For if such debates were to take place in the provinces, they could only be authorised by the Central Committee.
“The Provincial Committees do not have the power to discuss matters that are within the power of the Central Committee, unless the latter decides that they may do so”, the signatories point out.  The Central Committee “is not a sum of the Provincial Committees”, and “there are no provincial members of the Central Committee”. Instead, its members are supposed to take the interests of the entire party into account.The intention behind this breach of procedure seemed to be to push the Central Committee in a particular direction “by confronting it with a fait accompli, invoking a remote controlled consensus”The signatories demand that the Verification Commission impose respect for the Party’s Statutes, thus ensuring that the Central Committee really is treated as the supreme Frelimo body in between Congresses, that the choice of Frelimo candidates for high office really does lie exclusively with the Central Committee, and that the proposals from the Political Commission really are proposals and not decisions. .Furthermore the Verification Commission should immediately end the debates in the provinces unless and until the Central Committee decides to the contrary. It should also instruct the provincial verification committees to check whether any form of pressure is being brought to bear on Central Committee members resident in the provinces, and take disciplinary action against any leading figures involved in such pressure. Since the chairperson of the Verification Commission, Jose Pacheco, is one of the three pre-candidates, the signatories say that, in order to avoid a conflict of interests, he should not take part in the meeting of the Commission that analyses their petition.The signatories also urge that the meeting of the Central Committee be brought forward “in order to bring an end to the usurpation of functions”.

Tuesday, January 28, 2014

Government and Renamo in hand for peace

After three months of persistent boycotts, Mozambique’s former rebel movement Renamo on Monday returned to dialogue with the government.It was Renamo, back in April 2013, which requested the dialogue, but in October broke off the talks threatening that it would not return until the government accepted the presence at the table of national and international mediators and observers.Since October, the government has repeatedly invited Renamo to further talks. The government delegation has arrived on time at Maputo’s Joaquim Chissano Conference Centre, but Renamo has refused to turn up – until today, when the Renamo team, headed by senior parliamentary deputy Saimone Macuiana, put in an appearance.This at least meant that the question of the participation or otherwise of foreign mediators and observers could be discussed face to face rather than through an exchange of letters. But from the statements given to the press after the brief meeting it was not at all clear whether either side has changed its position.The head of the government delegation, Transport Minister Gabriel Muthisse, told reporters that the spirit of both sides was “positive”, and they had reached an understanding on “essential questions” concerning the participation of “third parties” in the dialogue.“This is an idea agreed upon by both sides”, he said. “We are confident that the work we are now going to do is to seek to agree upon the criteria and terms of reference for the participation of third parties, observers, which will create much more positive conditions for the advance of the dialogue”. Muthisse said he had the impression that Renamo had rejoined the dialogue in a positive spirit. “In the coming sessions we shall try to consolidate this spirit”, he added, “so that it has a positive impact on the life of our people”.“The most important thing is the participation of third parties, of observers”, Muthisse stressed. “The two parties will sit down to define the criteria for the participation of these third parties. I think that our perspective, and I believe also that of Renamo, is not to see who has won and who has lost. Our expectation is that all Mozambicans will gain from this debate. Our focus is that Mozambicans should win so that they can produce and live in a climate of peace”.Months ago the government accepted two of the names put forward by Renamo as observers – the Mozambican Anglican bishop, Dinis Sengulane, and prominent academic Lourenco do Rosario.But Muthisse said nothing about mediation, and nothing about foreigners participating either as observers or mediators. In December, Renamo demanded mediation by Mozambican constitutional lawyer Gilles Cistac, Italian bishop Matteo Zuppi, former South African President Thabo Mbeki, and an unnamed representative of the European Union. As for observers, Renamo proposed four Mozambicans –Sengulane, Rosario, the former Vice-Chancellor of Maputo’s Eduardo Mondlane University, Filipe Couto, and Alice Mabota, Chairperson of the Mozambican Human Rights League (LDH). Six foreign observers were proposed, but all are countries rather than individuals. They are: the United States, China, Portugal, Cape Verde, Kenya and Botswana.For his part, Macuiana told the reporters “From the work we have done, it is clear that the presence of mediators and observers is important. So together we shall find a way of putting this into practice, in order to include the participation of all. The whole world is interested in helping the Mozambican people reach a peaceful solution”.Asked if the return of Renamo to the dialogue table would mean an end of attacks and ambushes by Renamo gunmen, Macuiana said that his delegation had only gone to the Conference Centre to discuss matters related with mediation.“Other subjects were not discussed, but when the time comes, we shall advise you”, he said. 

Wednesday, January 22, 2014

MONEY AS A REASON OF THIS WAR Dhlakama

" The two first parliamentary elections in late 1990 , are revealing. Armando Guebuza as the bench boss linked to Frelimo in parliament , has been able to transform itself in opposition to Frelimo in relation to the government of President Joaquim Chissano.But as Renamo was never able to use parliament as a platform to present itself as an opposition with alternative policies and ideas, " Hanlon vinca . " Finally , he says , Dhlakama proved to be a bad negotiator, persisting in making demands and maximize resources boycott instead of negotiating as their primary tactic . In 2000 , he declined an offer to participate in the appointment of provincial governors in which he and his party had won in the 1999 elections , which would have given an opportunity to significantly increase his political prestige , but he rejected it demanding more and more , and in the end getting nothing . " Joseph Hanolon continues , already addressing the issue in the negotiations over the electoral package , where once again Dhlakama has again proved that it is a pésssimo negotiator.
"
Similarly , the wording of the new electoral law ... the Renamo leadership not taken the opportunity to make changes to electoral law that would have been designed by Renamo " , and guided by the theory of maximum gains , such as when the call parity requires the Commission national elections in which the opposition would have 10 of the 14 members that form, which of course was refused by Frelimo , because it is against what is regimented by Parliament . But now MDM minority party has agreed to be this Commission .
In its analysis as realistic as this type is renowned British journalist and academic, makes it very clear to both those pro and against Renamo , which Dhlakama and his acolytes have already aware that have lost most of those who supported them, and that is why now chooses to appeal again to arms , face to miss the force of razão.Ele shows that miss the force of reason , pointing as evidence the fact that it had in the 1994 and 1999 elections , around and over 2 million votes , respectively , but in 2004 and especially in 2009 , supporting Dhlakama have limited the latter to 650,000 people who voted for him . Indeed , Renamo had in 1994 , 112 members , 129 against Frelimo , and in 1999 had 117 against 133 Frelimo , but already in 2004 , had only 90 deputies , and even then had to gather more parties , and in 2009 , had only 51 points deputados.Hanlon withdrawal Dhlakama Maputo to Nampula and then into the woods of Santundjira as having sharp further its near invisibility and consequently his forgetfulness by the apoivam yet.
" Dhlakama is a good military strategist, and several of the attacks that the cable has been taking in recent months ( this year ) were well planned and effective . But he is in bad tactic, because it has no clear vision of what he hopes to achieve, and merely presenting a list of demands maximized " , vinca Hanlon .
This academic says Dhlakama will lose again this war began , because this time is a bad situation , as it is without the support it had when it moved the 16 years that culminated with the agreement of Rome in 1992 , because at that time , was massively supported by the then apartheid regime of South Africa , and indirectly , by the West who saw Frelimo as an agent and ally of the then communist regimes .

Hanlon cites the then UN representative in Mozambique from 1993-1994 , Dr Aldo Ajello , as reiterated what puts unreasonable demands on Dhlakama , is that he wants more and more money . Ajello says " always stressed that Renamo was more interested in money than for political power , and to gain their adherence to peace and harmony , it was giving him this money and big houses in Maputo , while if you allowed its members living in hotels , spending did to his will or the extent of their whims . " " And the current dispute has its basis in money " , concludes Hanlon , saying that some Renamo leaders have said that on the sly envy the money power and the great houses of some of the political Frelimo , reveals Hanlon as the seconding another revelation of Alex Vain , another British academic and also reputed that even to Rome to sign the peace agreement was after being paid by the now deceased millionaire British Tiny Rawlands . There are also many people who argues that even those not being Renamo also support this warmongering against Frelimo , mostly are also driven by the realization that frelimos eat alone , or are driven by envy that nourish deles.Os that support this view submit that such people drop their mask of envy when they use the terms " comrades " and " frelimistas " in a pejorative tone as if they had done so much harm to the country, and in return , revealing much sympathy Renamo that never really done anything substantial and useful for Mozambique , but have been an instrument of the apartheid war and Ian Smith .

Tuesday, January 21, 2014

Lost in the woods

Gunmen Renamo are stampeding in the forests of the interior of Inhambane as a result of a military offensive launched by the Mozambican army with the aim of preventing armed attacks on military and civilian targets in southern contingent country.The which was initially composed of about 70 men disintegrated since Monday of last week after a confrontation with the military , being in small groups of three to four men, dressed in civil and also without weapons . Save attempting to cross the river towards the Sierra de Gorogonsa in the central province of Sofala , from where in compliance with the orders of Alfonso Dhlakama who is stationed at the local strategic since taking its main base in Santungira.Um guerrilla captured by the Armed Forces last Saturday in collaboration of the population , said that his cronies are uncertain place in each one looking to discover the way to Goronogosa . " we have no food, no water, do not know this place , we were sent by the master to come here to join with others to . We were 69 men , do not know where the others are , since we were attacked every man fled ', revealed the guerrilla captured in the forests of Mavume district Funhalouro.O man , 67 years old , entered a house where he asked for food as he tried communicate, fell lifeless because of hunger and the home owners informed the army that has now extended the cordon of security by the district office , administrative posts and localidade.Desde Renamo guerrillas entered the province of Inhambane , in the last week of December , already were captured in the forest seven men .

A Member of Parliament tried unsuccessfully last week's end, the town of Sabie Moamba district , Maputo province , convince some former military commanders Renamo to resume armed actions that the country's southern region.The intention was not accepted by Mr considered by military planners Renamo in Maputo province , therefore, mostly pensioners and holders are of good development projects , particularly cattle breeding .

Sunday, January 19, 2014

Dhlakama orders to kill civilians

Several soldiers of the Defence of Mozambique died in two ambushes that occurred yesterday ( 17 ) and today ( 18 ) respectively , in the administrative Tour Muxungué , Chibabava district , Sofala . In the first ambush occurred yesterday in Zove area , around 9 am , a bus carrying passengers from " ETRAGO " company , a company that brought FADM costumed civil , was swept by a hail of bullets which caused deaths and 30 injured occupants . Lt. Col. Augusto Lovane ( natural air force officer Tete ) and others were hit while going down a shielded to rescue passengers from the bus. Unconfirmed sources say the death toll could be shocking because the bus was riddled with bullets and few made ​​it out alive. The second attack occurred the early hours of Sunday , near Muxungue , Mutongi in the area , near a mill , also involving a bus " ETRAGO " carrying troops allegedly undercover . The bus was mercilessly strafed but information is scarce . At this time the hospital is under Muxungué strong security measures to prevent information leakage and there indicaçãoo of the corpses are being kept hidden in the attacks waiting for a better time for their evacuation zone. Everything indicates that Renamo decided to change strategy and go on the offensive to cut the Army logistics from the source .( Source Facebook account Unay Cambuma )

RENAMO IS KILL

Members and supporters of the cities of Maputo and Matola crossed this Saturday ( 18 ) in the square of the independence of the nation's capital to salute the achievements of the president , Armando Guebuza , the two terms that was in front of the destinations in Mozambique . At the time the Secretary-General of Frelimo, Philip Paúnde condemned those who attempt to distort and erode the image of Guebuza Armando Guebuza , by promoting a campaign of insults and distorted messages . Presenting a message of Frelimo, at the end of march of support , excitement for their achievements and honor of the Head of State for his 71 anniversary to be marked on January 20 chain, Paúnde said Guebuza does not deserve the treatment given conferred on it by some circles of opinion in Mozambique . " To say that Guebuza is to evade the dialogue with the leader of Renamo Renamo leader is a gross lie and an injustice . President Guebuza moved twice , to Nampula for talks with Renamo leader Afonso Dhlakama " Paúnde said . " Renamo 's killing . You can not give reason to kill someone . Society must condemn all kinds of violence , "he added , to then explain that in a democracy the people are the boss and the power can not be assailed by the use of violence . " This time the people voted for Frelimo . So others have to endure until it's your turn without using guns to rob the power , "said the general secretary of Frelimo . Some critics , Paúnde also accuse the highest magistrate of the Mozambican nation will not come out of power said . Others claim that his wife is to be the next President. To the Secretary-General , this makes no sense because Guebuza is a man of his word , principles , reason why it is unreasonable that some people walk the noise insults against her figure . " Guebuza is a coherent man. Promised that this is his last term and then goes out . We have to be proud of the tireless terms President we have, " insisted Philip Paúnde .













Contribution to reflection of Dr. Castel-Branco

Some loose thoughts on the challenges of change in Mozambique

I have followed the debate on the current situation in our country in various networks , both in these and in other media platforms . Most of these interventions have been debate about how to force or encourage, ending the war . There are numerous ideas , from peaceful demonstrations , paralysis of the country, the leader of Renamo detention and seizure of their property , seizure of power by the people , etc. . Etc. . Every mind with his analysis and his sentence . The most common proposal I have seen is a demonstration on a national scale with paralysis of the country until both parties understand . Until now there is a proposal to date for this event. One proposed by academics gathered in Maputo document advances another important point , that peace , security and development can not be held hostage by two actors , Government / Frelimo and Renamo , but such results conducivo process should involve all the people , because nobody should have the right of life or death, or sharing of resources and wealth, on the other . Even though there are different approaches and proposals , I think that " war " is everyone's priority .
But there are two issues to consider . First , the war has causes that are not JUST the stubbornness of two leaders . There are political , social and economic causes , historically constructed . Does not deal with the causes and remove these hypothetical peace that will eventually be regained will prevail? Peace is not merely the absence of war . In a sense , we live 21 years of no war and no peace 21 years . Second , society that we live , how we want to be and live , so not only to prevent the emergence of new war but actually creating prosperity for all ( not only for social , economic and political elite ) , the so that everyone willing and able to live in peace ?
More than half of the people live in absolute and more than half of the remaining half is poor poverty. Mozambicans in 4 at least 3 are poor . The kind of economic growth we are having , tapered , disjointed and kind of enclave , can achieve high rates but is not inclusive , comprehensive and to address basic needs of society and the economy . Therefore, it is ineffective to fight poverty, unemployment and marginalization . In the areas of investment and rapid growth , the standard of living of the people not directly employed in the projects worsened - the cost of living soared , people lost their land and way of life , the future is an absolute unknown , although they can integrate both mega projects have potential to improve your life .
Imagine the discontent of Tete , Nampula , Niassa , Cabo Delgado and even around the sugar industry ( and others) in the south to be channeled into violence against the regime - we will not have peace as well .
So we have to think more broadly in the kind of social project that would end the war and its causes and to build an inclusive society - not only for elites , national and local , but for everyone.
Renamo is not serious in the current negotiations , it is continually changing demands , rules , constraints , and does not respect the most basic rules of democratic coexistence .
But the government does not seem interested in unlocking the situation - seems more interested in peering for an opportunity to strike a lethal blow against the RENAMO than in ensuring peace and democratic coexistence - and it's not serious with regard to democratic rules ( partisanship the state , the media , the legal and judicial system and the way of life of society as well as electoral fraud , are not conducive to democracy , freedom, peace and inclusive development ) .
The issue of peace and development can not be left to decide for themselves these two actors - they may not have the right of life and death over the people or sharing of resources , opportunities and wealth between them . In your hands the lives of Mozambicans little worth - were shot by a travel or if they dare to cross them , and others dare protest against the aberrations of the system . Therefore , it is imperative that the entire society to take care of their destinations - to arise , manifest and impose their will .
However , you need to create alternative based on the collective , organized , dynamic and progressive social citizenship projects . How do we do all these things and who are you gonna do , beyond us all ? Demonstrations and street protests always have some impact , but the greatest impact occurs when there is an action program , with vision, concrete, that makes sense and inspire and mobilize everyone - not just the educated , social , economic and political elites , but all . Do not just go to the street protest is building clarity and accountability to generate alternative ways of doing different things . In practice , what advice they have to give , or the requirement that we have to express , and how we can implement a and satisfy the other?

7 I will mention specific problems of the economy ( I am not arguing that they are the only problems , not just the economy that I'm only interested in identifying seven key issues that show how serious you need to think of alternatives when we speak . )

( 1 ) the cost and access to water , transportation , sanitation and trash removal in the city of Maputo is proportionally much higher for poor households than for the families of the middle class and rich . Not only can we say we want to change the governance of Maputo - the ruling party - but we have answers to these questions .
( 2 ) the basic food items are the category of consumer goods and services whose prices have risen faster in the last two decades , more intensely hurting the poor and middle and low , that not only have less income as well as middle-class families spend a much higher proportion of their income on these basic goods that suffer more rapid inflation . Our economy is growing rapidly and can extract and export natural resources , but paradoxically can not feed the inhabitants of the country at low cost . Why? How this problem relates to the more general pattern of play in the national economy ? What we have to do to solve this problem ?
( 3 ) the quality of public health services , education and transport has deteriorated more or less in proportion to the increase in private services , but the poor and lower middle classes are dependent on public services and do not have access (or only rarely have access) to private services . For the poor , there are private shoddy , like the famous "my love " . Does spending so many billions of Meticais in the circular road in Catembe bridge in more international airports in war are priorities when we can not afford decent teachers , doctors and nurses , to maintain decent public transport systems in operation , support the expansion of education and health services ? We have no means to everything - so , what we choose to do first ?
( 4 ) domestic and external public debt is increasing very quickly with great implications in the short and medium term , the incapacitation of the state to pursue comprehensive social and economic policies . This debt is largely the result of five fundamental factors ( among others ) : tax subsidies to multinationals , public-private partnerships in expensive projects to the state but profitable for big business ( as directed below to the energy and mineral complex structures urban infrastructure luxury ) , targeted investment priorities for big business , not diversification of the production base and disconnect between tax base and expansion of the productive base because of tax subsidies . Who pays for that is the bane of public services for the population and the inability of public intervention in the diversification of the productive base and articulation , generate decent employment and reproduction of cheap and quality public services for all . We are always talking about the need to manage ( or reduce ) the expectations of the poor , local communities , the dispossessed and the unemployed ( who form the majority of the population ) in order to meet the needs of shareholders, expropriated , etc. .. Is this is the way that serves the majority of the population of this country , or we have to change this state of affairs ? And if we change , we change to what and how?
( 5 ) the growth of the domestic public debt , principally through the sale of shares of public debt in the capital markets , is encouraging financial speculation and make it more expensive and scarce money to small and medium enterprises . This problem , coupled with a focused public investment strategy in mega projects and the inability to provide basic consumer goods at low prices , prevents the development of small and medium businesses and the diversification of the productive base and articulation , playing the tax base and ability of private investment , and the massive generation of decent employment. Therefore , fundamental to take into account in our analysis, which may not be limited structural problems or accelerate growth or hospice - for example, while persisting structural and dynamic inconsistency between fiscal and monetary policies initiated by the fiscal pressures created by multinational tax incentives , will be difficult to stop the growth of public debt and guide the national capital for investment expanded , diversified and articulated , low-cost basis.
( 6 ) given the concentration of the productive base and taper around the mineral energy complex , or employment is created for skilled or semi -skilled , or almost informal , casual and work in appalling conditions . The first type of employment is not comprehensive in Mozambican society , and the second is miserable .
( 7 ) given the economic porosity generated by our model of economic growth annually Mozambique loses the equivalent of 6 % -9 % of its gross domestic product ( GDP ) by means of licit and illicit capital outflows . I mean, the bulk of economic growth is adequate for large international capital and national economic elites .

The current model of economic growth - oriented training of national financial oligarchies allied to foreign capital through the construction of an extractive economy - can not solve these problems . Even if the economy grows faster and faster , while this is the model the economic , social and political problems for most people will tend to worsen .
But this growth model is not changed just replacing one party by another , doing demonstrations or stopping the war . All these elements can be ingredients necessary but not sufficient . Therefore , we must seriously consider the political, economic and social agenda , and not just on how to overthrow a regime and install another .
I repeat , this time , the priority of all of us is to end the war and, therefore , the general public have to act , they can not expect the two belligerents understand . You need to force them to stop killing people . But war and other forms of violence have their economic , social and political causes . To have any chance of stopping the war and eliminate future threats of war , we have to remove the causes of war , and create a society in which all want to live in peace and can live in peace .
About Peace : Peace is not merely the absence of war, but requires the removal of obstacles to peace and social , economic and political causes of the war . In elections , the first questions to each political candidate or political party and each party or candidate should be : 1 ) what made concrete to avoid war , and because he thinks it was successful or not ? 2 ) what made concrete to regain peace, and what was the impact of his action ? 3 ) once again regained the absence of war , how do you build peace and preserve it ? Chumba , or should flunk , and resoundingly , who respond evasively , or speeches about peace , with declarations of intent , with the arrogance of those who have any power or have weapons , with the attitude to life of the people use as currency exchange with rhetoric about development and democracy , or objections to the other parties .
About racism : Racism is never against a defined by skin color race. Skin color does not define any race. Only racists think so . Racism is always against one race - the Human race . Be anti racist does not mean promoting racism against racists , but end up with racism. Being anti -racist means not judging anyone - what it does, thinks , says or how it is - according to skin color or place of origin . Does not mean being anti racist hate racism just by being or have been personal victim of racism, but hate racism itself and not be a racist , period.
About the political persecution : We are so many accused of everything - from critics of warlords , the complainants of warlords , agitators servants of the people to demonstrate against the war, insecurity, land expropriations , and inequality and social injustice , economic and political advisers of the land law , proponents of economic , social and political changes , denigrating the image of the head of state (as if this time it was necessary to denigrate someone already so ruined this picture) , etc. . - That we are all investigated and prosecuted four events will happen : 1 ) it will take a long time until the organs of justice can occupy the real issues of violation of the law and practice of injustice , starting with the financial illegalities committed by the government , a political fraud committed by dedicated escovadores the unpunished murder committed by police protesters , the systematic murder of defenseless civilians committed by the warlords , the expropriation of land without regard for the law , the tax subsidies and other multinationals in exchange access to the collections of local elites , without respecting the need of the people , etc. . 2 ) the judiciary and police , and with it the power of the state and who holds , will get even more discredited and weakened , 3) if we are prisoners , prisons will be transformed into revolutionary centers - as in all systems dictatorial , including colonializado in Mozambique , and 4) the fight will not stop .
Will come the pipes justice for organized crime (eg , kidnapping , robbery , rape ) , political crime (eg , partisanship of the state , the media and electoral fraud , political repression ) , crime against public funds (eg , grants multinational tax and contraction of unnecessary debt and without respect constitutional and budgetary established ) procedures , crime against the people's resources (eg , forest destruction and privatization of control and the benefits of natural resources ) , and crime against the people (eg , war , the killing of protesters , illegal expropriation of land and destruction of livelihoods without options ) . Use criticism as a source of inspiration and not as an escape valve and a target of repression . An old saying goes : who warns you , your friend is . ( Facebook account E.Comiche )

Wednesday, January 15, 2014

CRY FOR HELP!!!!!

What the government of Mozambique considers " political- military tension " or " incidents of Renamo men " has little or nothing different about the way he began the 1976-1992 armed conflict. Taking the nomenclature and regional geopolitics, both conflicts began with the deaths of innocent civilians . After making all the reflections on the origins of conflict , responsibilities , and everything else that matters most to political analysts and already flooded many shelves of books and articles , the reality that needs no analysis are the people , especially civilians , who die as a result of the war . But even so , there are still those who only consider a conflict as severe or serious when the death toll reaches alarming levels . This tells us a lot about human nature , the lack of empathy that men have towards each other . Deaths from this new conflict in Mozambique since mid-2013 are still not easily quantifiable , but a simple estimate can put the human losses in tens . But tens is , for many of us , as insignificant to alarmarmos in number. Compounding the fact that after all the deaths happen in remote villages in the center of the country . And remote is the information of the people who die, which further increases the distance between the reality that should be alarming to our comfortable city life . In retrospect, apparently we have nothing to fear . The water gets to our taps . There are electric lights day and night. The gas is available in garanges , as well as charcoal . The shops and markets are crammed with goods. The plates, though increasingly insufficient , continue to circulate quietly . We have private cars there is always fuel at the pumps . In the end, we have all the conditions for a self-indulgence that distances in the remote villages of Muxungue ( and now Homoine ) . And every news that there were attacks among men and Renamo FIR and FADM , one is struck in the head and abanamos . Sometimes we criticize , moreover , have increasingly criticized the government's arrogance and inability to resolve the situation . But do it on the sly , in corners , in our circles of friends , the plate at the bars . Even some newspapers , the unofficial course, write some articles protexto . That is all. All agree that these " incidents " , these " atques " can recreate scenarios of violence and destruction that characterized the armed for over 22 years conflict. What ever ask ourselves is the attitude we take when this conflict began . All of us in the cities , ran to join the ranks of mass movements , workers , young followers , Mozambican women , all come together to condemn the attack on our country by the imperialists and their domestic agents , "armed bandits " . We did this when we heard the first news of the Rhodesian attacks in Manica . We did it when the first " armed bandits " were captured and shown to the masses in the town square . When in 1980 we heard that the " bandits " had come to attack , now with more force , we return to the streets to protest . All accept the explanation of the origin of the war . It was the white racist South Africa. And made ​​so much sense . There was , in fact , contrary explanation. But the reflections of the origin of the war , which greatly fueled the academic production and conferred many universades catedraturas in the West , have not served to stop the war . In 1982 the "bad guys " were operating in marges the capital city. And they began the first wave of " black outs " of cuts electricity energeia who had to drag to the end of the war . But this was not the first alarming sign of conflict . Our cities , particularly the capital , had already tripled in size. There was so much people in the cities that the little we had started missing almost completely . The shops of the people now unable even had lamps , much less food. And machibombos , who had long ago lost efficiency , totally collapsed . Our buildings were crammed with people that their sewage systems have exploded , and with its black waters that flowed throughout the city , especially the banks , came the first major epidemics of cholera and dysentery . There were no schools and classrooms enough for everyone . Neither the " night school " resolved demand . And therefore there were more young people with nothing to do , much more than before . The State , the sole employer , never had much ability to absolve unemployed mass. In late 1982 the "bad guys " have killed Marracuene and Matola - Gare , near the heart of the country . And yet , we continue to take to the streets for demonstrations in support of our armed forces and their heroic , the second struggle for independence of our country . Many of us got to get some military training to defend our cities . Weapons to the people defending the homeland , these were the watchwords of our indisputable , immaculate , almost messianic leaders . Segamente believed them . After all , there was authenticity in his personality . Her concern for people was genuine and real . The path they had chosen for us was that it was not the best . Adopted a method that had aged and had failed everywhere where he had applied. Of course not in its entirety. Some things worked . But overall , it was a path doomed to failure . But this time it was not for us to think . Our thought leaders for us and decide what was best for us . The fit we go to rallies and support the central decisions . And we form militias in our neighborhoods and in monitoring as well be required . In 1983 we continued in the same inécria , thought to be and not think . And we continue to take to the streets to march in the name of revolution . And we applaud , salute , support the decision of our leaders who actually had a lot of people in our cities . Slut people who had nothing to do , who lived effort of our work . We support the decision that these people had to be evacuated to the countryside , where she had to work the land to feed ourselves ( and feed themselves and their families ) , as was customary . After all , our hunger did not come from the fact that they had more mouths in our cities , but the fact that not many people working in the field , because it is there where our food comes from . It was obvious to us as the solution to clean the cities of useless parasites who do not even think that is where such parasites had to be taken . Since we were away , was what mattered to us . It was more food, more transportation, more classrooms , more drugs , all to ourselves . And so we work hard in denouncing and removal of parasites , and we sent them there where many were fleeing from the war . Very contradictory . People fled from the countryside to the cities , and we in the cities , captured him and devolviamos to the field . Not occurred to us that these people whom we were to deny shelter, food and water could go ask this shelter , this water and bread to those who were just becoming impossible for bread , water , and eletectricidade came to our homes . It was a very complicated thing for us , anyway , thinking it was not our task . Were also prohibited from doing so. This simple mathematical operation , that we could be feeding our own enemy with us that we were pouring our cities , it was a very complicated operation for us . There was no connection . For us there could be no connection. And our leaders assured us that there was no connection . And so we turn against our neighbors , colleagues , friends, even family members, accusing them of stray , parasites , prostitutes and dumped them out of their homes and sent them to the field . Was so convinced our attitute , our support to our leaders who were confused middle when in 1984 these same leaders were signing a good neighborhood with South Africa was said that so war was to end , because the "bad guys " had not received more officially endorsed their employers . Again we celebrate and applaud in support of another intelligent decision of our leaders . Only this time the celebration and support were different . In our homes we were no longer alone . Our grandparents, uncles and cousins ​​, of which only had news and our parents had left the field since the time of the settler , had joined us. But came with sad news . Our other grandparents, uncles and cousins ​​were unable to reach the city. Fell by the wayside . The machibombos which they were traveling were burned by the " bad guys " , and they were all inside . Came time for dinner , where there was only a thin mackerel and a withered cabbage , which was not even for all the grief of our mothers have slept in the queue and had spent all day there . Often it could not , and had dinner with tea without tea leaf , sometimes no sugar, no bread . But this time for dinner , regardless of what was in the table , the big dish was what our grandparents, uncles and cousins ​​had to tell us . And told how our cousin died at his own wedding party when the "bad guys " arrived in the village and told everyone entering the church, the bride and groom too, and put fire in infrastructure reed . That went out crazy with the flames around the body caught fire or bayonets . And no one survived . Also told that our cousin, who did not get to know because he was a baby still , had been killed by our own aunt , the "bad guys " forced her to pillar the poor child in your pestle. These news dinnertime were more bitter than cacana that our mothers cooked without peanuts . And left us confused . After all, where were we FADM ing has exalted the charts ? Not occur in the " bandits " were more than simple flocks . Which were many , and well organized . But the big surprise was when in 1985 confirmed that in fact the good neighbor agreement had been a charade . And that the "bad guys " were much stronger than before . When captured the base of the bandits , said the gator had been settled, the poisonous snake removed from its burrow, that there was no quizumba amolestar over our country . Only this time we were not on the streets . And it was not just hunger and consequent lack of energy. We knew it was not true . Because our own mothers , and even our parents had to kill a few hours working on the farm , every day risking an encounter with the "bad guys " . For us in the capital , it was dangerous to go to Mathlemele the Bobole , atéAlbazini . And people who had lost legs , arms , roamed the city , alerting us that the war was always there, very close . But now was not just the " invalid " , the direct victims of the war that filled our cities . Our cleaning operation of invalid parasites had not solved anything. And now invalid were actually violent . Turned mabandido , ninjas . And robbed us in order to have food to eat . And killed in cold blood . After the death had become something so trivial ! And our cities , as the field also smelled death. The whole earth , our beloved land , was all she sleepwalking . And it was from here that we begin to awaken . We realized that something was wrong , that our leaders were too disoriented . They had rumors of people coming obretudo universities (more foreigners because our own were still , as we forbidden to think ) , that this war was more than a simple assault from outside. Mozambicans who were fighting against Mozambicans . And nobody ever even know why the fight . As a philosopher , when two parties argue for a long time, says mean no one is right . And the discussion that divided our country has ever ran for over twelve years. To make matters worse , we received one morning in October 1986 the news that our most beloved leader , our messiah , had died in a tragic plane crash , and with him more than thirty leaders . For the first time the entire country was in mourning . It was the first time that we all stopped for a single cry cry to more than one person , when the country had already lost close to half a million lives since the war had begun. I believe we have wept for these half a million souls in that day we were burying our leader . If we did then we will be punished one day. Maybe the resumption of the war today is the punishment . But we woke up the next day more convinced that the war was over, it was necessary to a peaceful political solution. But we have not done any speed . Have not had any energy for it , and our party was so discouraged and disorganized as we are. And the men of the churches , the churches had tables that shouted down a few years ago , in the heat of revolutionary euphoria , these were men and women of the churches that have taken a firmer position for the negotiations between our government and Renamo . Now you wore your own name, not " armed bandits " . In the end, it seems that they had imposed on us the respect that we refused them . But nonetheless , continued to be a strange these Renamos . We did not know them. Until the talks began . But it took five years from 1987 to 1992 . Were five years of negotiations , during which the other half a million people lost their lives . And this time not completely believed they were the actors Renamos some attacks on villages . The news has reached us confused . Everything seemed possible to us. After all , our own forces no longer had the same sentiment in the beginning , and they lacked the same things that were missing to Renamos . And the peasants , if they still had some, could no longer feed the two parties . In Homoine in Inhambane , we never get to know what really happened . But the entire village was queasetoda she disimada . It was the largest massacre of the war , which had now all of a civil war . The designation of destabilization war Jao did not sound as before . It was now a very old name . The wars get older too. And our war was already very old when the two parties decided to sign the agreement in Rome . From 1989 to 1991 we had returned to the streets en masse. Shouted by the end of the war , though his voice hoarse from thirst and hunger . But more importantly, we shouted by increasing salaries , condenávamos the closure of our large plants ( Mecanagro , the metal cutting , the Vidreira ) , and wept for fairer indenmizações . Ie , at the time the talks to end the war were already in an advanced stage , we were in the cities hugs with other struggles . That these struggles were of our own class of workers but we were forbidden to express . Instead of using our power of dough to press harder for the immediate end of the war , still more concerned with our navels . There was a less noble struggle. Quite the contrary . Only deflected in the paper that we should always be taken soon in 1976 when there was the first attack and we did not. But now it was too late for that. The two warring parties , although they no longer knew what you were parties , were also exhausted . And there was reconciliation in Rome , far away . We heard on the radio that they had signed . Those who had watched television live or recording. And all ran to buy the newspaper the next morning . We entered into agreements with appropriate festivities , but not with exuberance. We were all tired . Enxangues . With babalaze sulfur and gunpowder. And came the hard years that followed. The onumozes , whom some of our sisters were sold for a handful of
washingtons or grants , these greener currencies that our Mpondo . And the first signs of an epidemic of sexual promiscuity that was to kill as much as the war that was the beginning of the end. And the hipsters and refugees , cheragam to 5 million , tried to return to the ashes of their land and recover what it could have survived . There was much soul waiting for routing due to the last rest . Many of these souls had already aged . But there were also many open wounds . To reach their villages , many were to know that your neighbor , your friend , your brother, your cousin, in the end, next we had known and participated in chassina eluntou that the Mozambican big family , regardless of which side they in the conflict . These wounds needed another type of medicine. But not only were the villagers , the biggest victims of this bloody war, who tried to rebuild their lives . Those who had made ​​the war , soldiers and guerrillas also had to reinsirir in society . Most would have to learn for the first time , to live in a peaceful environment . Not only had to learn to socialize , but they had to learn to be people being people. Many had discovered the world killing and killed during the 17 years that the war lasted . Today we say 16 , but a simple count from 1976 to 1992 corrects this misunderstanding . In the end, there was much to be resolved. 17 years is a long time , and a culture of violence had taken root in our society and could not be simply ingorada . But what was our attitude ? Incredibly , choose the wrong path . With a lot of lesson to learn , we returned to err . We prefer the road to oblivion rather than the path of openness and truth , however painful it was . Our leaders decided that we should forget the past and look only forward, where there was a better future . All support the decision , and try to forget what had happened . When we reached the independence we used to sing " let's not forget what happened ," ie , abuse and violence of colonial domination . And the mentors of this philosophy could not be more certain , it was necessary not to forget that the country not to fall back into the clutches of colonial powers . Our hymn, the first , which everyone sang with soul and nothing moved when it was sung , reminded us of this colonial wound for which vowed not to return . But now We chose the path that led us into forgetting the horrors that we committed to each other . Wear well , we were all actors in that war . Whether in the field as in the cities . All were victims and perpetrators . Directly or indirectly . And yet we decided that the best solution was to forget and move on . In the background until it was understandable . We were so tramautizados quizemos not endanger the fragile agreement and rekindle a fire that was so big it would not need much to invigorate straw . But the truth is that we choose an unsustainable path . Many scholars , especially historians , also packed in the solution of silence and oblivion, viewed the agreement of Rome as the end of a cycle in the history of the country . For many it was until the end of the story . Thereafter there was nothing more to study . All that had to be written about the war of destabilization or civilian , had been written . The origins of the war, although conflictuantes had been explored and were clear . And now the time was another. As time went on , and approached the first general elections , was convinced of the idea that the war was indeed over and that there were no real conditions for it again . Many still feared that the election result would throw the country into war . But it was more a concern that for many analysts had no material basis . After all , the giant of racial segregation had fallen and South Africa was , as we in the process of his first geriais elections . We arrived to shake when the news of the dark deaths in Rwanda , that in less than three months have claimed the same number of people that we had lost in 17 years ! We realized that the man has no limits in its destructive capacity . But the elections took place . Their results were surprising . We in the cities , especially the capital , had great difficulty in understanding how the Renamos could have achieved so much voting ! The difference between our candidate and theirs was minimal . Then we realized that in fact they were more than mere armed bandits . South Africa certainly has nothing to do with the fact that over 40 percent of Mozambicans who voted thought the leader of Renamos should address our country ! And these elections have created a lot of material for scholars , especially foreigners. Ours were also in the aftermath of war, and were still confused by the new opening scene . Should speak or not , should opine or not ? Could write about this or that, or not ? Foreigners had no such limitations. The more there is much more written books on Mozambique in foreign languages ​​, English and French than in Portuguese ! And many foreign scholars have written books and articles on early elections , and what they meant to the new political landscape of Mozambique . And they succeeded , once again , do catedraturas with issues that only they mattered and served . Others thought it was important to study the mis displaced war victims . And much has been written about the peasants who suffered , who lost their land and family . Others felt it was important to study the demobilized soldiers . These were not interested in knowing what the soldiers and guerillas had lived during the war , but many were , where they were to be resettled , and how they would receive pensions ( which in the end never arrived and now own agregidos are demobilized by the police when they demand what was promised ) . And that was it ! Today spend precisely 22 years since the end of the war . But , wait there , what purpose ? Or treated in a range ? Because the actors are the same ! At least the side of Renamo , the party that was once close to winning the elections . Or are not they ? And the stages of the war ( this current ) , are also the same . Only we, the people , the people of liability eternal comfort of the cities , which were always waiting for us to think and act , not academics , much less our rulers know who is actually making war ! The Renamo such men are as unknown as the old " armed bandits " . And the confusion is such that our leaders do not know what force must be deployed to tackle the insurgents , or FIR FADM . And it is unclear to what extent the force is the solution of the problem . And once again , we the people " educated " cities, we have television and radio at our disposal , and we have the best schools and universities , and porconseguinte best placed to take action to redeem us from our cowardice , we continue to act the same way we do until 1992 . We are waiting for us to think , to act for us . And we risk we see our country be destroyed once again when he still tries to get out of the ashes of the flames of the last war . Only this time our guilt is twofold. In 1975 we did not choose our government or our leaders . But since 1994 it is we who decide who should head in and this should solve our problems responsibly. From 1975 to 1990 we were told is that we were in power , that power was ours, the people , and it was all fake . Today they say that it is our will that is represented in power . And it is also false . The truth is that today , more than ever , we have de facto power. The power of mobilization against what we all believe is right for our country . The NO to war . And because we have this power , we have no excuse for waiting to die over a thousand people there for us alarmarmos . We have to accept that while we can not mourn the unnecessary and unjust death of one person , we will never be better human beings . Our morale is poor, and with it the legacy that we will leave to generations that follow us. And if these generations , our children judge us for having been passive when action was needed , we were cowards when courage was needed , even if we have been blind to the truth and facts wide open , we have been complicit by our silence , they have as much reason as the Germanic generations of post World War II . The path of silence, forgetfulness , lack of openness and maturity to face our most serious problems of the past is what led us , in part , for this situation . We kill each other partly because they knew each other and did not know for sure why we were fighting. Finished the war , rather than corrrigir the problem , to openly talk about the differences that divide us , we opted for oblivion and the ingorância . Never was any academic , these last 22 years, Marringue and " study" the Renamo men . Learn what motivated them to fight, why even today continue to live in Marringue , what are your expectations and dreams , how they think the differences and problems that led to war must be resolved , not their leaders living in Maputo and go 4W4s government . Nobody ever did a study for us to know how Renamo could indeed lead a war for 17 years, almost twice as long as the struggle for indepenência . Why Renamo used looting and killings in southern Mozambique and not both at the center and other areas . How does the fact that they were recruiting (or we will continue to accept that they have swelled their ranks simply by abduction and coercive recruitment ? None guerrillas survive 17 years on the basis of forced recruitment only ) . What were the supply channels armanentos ? How have they remained logistically , especially after the good neighbor agreement ? Who were the generals and what kind of training did they have? How were the lines of communication and command ? How they interacted with the people ? Many countries have already passed similar to our conflict did this exercise in memory and learning . Rwandans who enfrentraram a much scarier horror than ours, were able to immediately reconcile with its recent past , however painful it has been . The Soviet Union opened the files during the time of Gobartchov and many atrocities of Stalin came to light ! Our South African neighbors also faced its dark past with courage . There are many more examples out there. Although these examples , in particular the so-called truth and reconciliation commissions , have not always produced immediate and tangible effects , at least leave the washed and ready to start Sarrar wound. The wound will always leave a mark , and it is good to let us always remember what caused it . But we never ask why we get no reply . She will continue to hurt, and is likely to donate whenever we remember , but at least we'll know why. It's terrible to have such a large wound that besides not Sarrar , Sarrar or not it should be, do not even know why we have it or who caused it. This is the path we chose Mozambicans . Threw sand over the wound and we expect her to get well . In many may have to sarrado . But for others it never sarrou . Simply rotted inside and was digging the meat . For other sarrou the wrong way and left a hideous scar. Just because we have not reconciled as our dark past . Not quite the nightmare and woke up still sonambulamos , or float like the thousands of souls who have never had a proper ceremony to forward these to the last rest as it should be . This resumption of the war , even when he does not ripen into a generalized armed and continue to be a series of " incidents " , conflict is a clear sign that not yet reconciled with our past . And this reconciliation necessarily involves openly talk about what once divided us and that continues to divide us . Necessarily the case with the smallest detail to know polítca economy of the last armed conflict , and sociology of their violence . Necessarily the case with uncompromised know and dispassionately what drove those who devoted their lives to war and violence. And it is especially to us , people of the cities , especially the capital, which lies responsibility of mobilizing every effort we can to put an end to the atrocities committed in Muxungue and national road number 1 . We have that responsibility because we are near the forefront of those who lead our country , before it's too late . And it is not an extra -cool attitude. The exercise of citizenship is not limited only to vote. We are not only citizens of five years , and in one day! Voting is just one of the rights we have to exercise citizenship . And to participate in last year's municipal elections as families were in mourning at the center of the country was more an act of complicity on our part . Demonstrations against the abductions were not enough, and sinned by being elitist . We did not have the courage to accept the fair prosecution of our citizens who live in suburban neighborhoods that we have to be more sympathetic towards the problems affecting the others , so they sollidarizem with ours. Likewise we manifest ourselves against abductions , we should have spoken out against the uncertainty in the suburbs , and even helped residents in their night patrols . Instead of indignant with the unnecessary use of police force in the municipal elections , we must demand explanations and that justice is done . We must press the Prosecutor to make a inquérido and establish the circumstances of the death of a young musician who accompanied the caravan Candidate Quelimane and responsible face justice . That there is an investigation, which is responsible who killed a member of the opposition in parliament Santungira . Let there be an inquiry into reports of fraud in the elections and that are found the truth . What people able and more willing to negotiate are pointed out to solve the impasse with Renamo . We must press Renamo to assume a more responsible attitute , she accepted his position as a political party and act as such , and not as a guerrilla with no respect for human life . That the true leaders of Renamo are pressed , not enfatados of parliament who do not even know where is your leader. We must press the other opposition parties , especially the emerging , so they have a more vigorous attitute in the interests of the people and the nation ! It is not enough to win seats in parliament for the opposition party , and then waiting around to work to win elections by country. The work should be done now , and he is to require the government to solve the issue of war immediately. Never any party in parliament , apart from Renamo , has spoken forcefully and pressed the government to give explanations about the impasse . As the ruling party , opposition leaders must show they deserve our support , because almost all of them add up all the time and only come when it is time for elections. We must pressure the former leaders who now hold positions of great privilege internationally, to be more proactive in seeking solutions to the impasse . They have the advantage of experience , and reap concensos in both parties . This is the time for action in favor of peace Mozambique . This is the test of our ability to take the reins of our destiny . Let not pass a teste.Depois may be too late . Mamidji , January 12, 2014