The
philosophy owes much to the religion even if at times there have been
differences. And this is a way
"soft" to put things. As with any human institution, when a group of
people travels the world convinced that is the side of reason and has the power
to impose religion in institutional form, so as a church in the case of
Christianity, can be extremely intolerant. The Catholic Church is no exception
to this pattern in its history. But a theologian who I admire a lot and who
like to read, whenever I can, is Thomas Aquinas. He lived in the thirteenth
century and his work is one of the most memorable moments of the evolution of
philosophical thought. There are several things I admire in Aquino. For now, I
like the way he appropriated the philosophy of Aristotle (whose philosophy in
the early years of life of Thomas Aquinas, was harassed by the Catholic Church),
developed it and made it relevant even for the Catholic Church itself. I also
like the distinction he made between knowledge revealed (the Bible) and the
natural knowledge (within reason), the latter essential condition of dialogue
between people who believe in different gods. This distinction is for me one of
the greatest statements of the importance of the debate on the basis of the
merits of the issues. I like also, and this is important for thought, what he
said in relation to consciousness. According to Aquinas we are not always
obliged to obey our conscience. Interestingly, he concedes that disobeying the
conscience is wrong, but not every act that results from obedience to
conscience is correct. I think this phenomenal mind and in line line with its
use of ethical thinking of Aristotle insisted that virtue as a guarantor of a
life that is worth living.
I make
this brief review to indicate, as of now, the beacons of my disagreement with
the recent intervention of the Episcopal Conference of Mozambique. In a curious
document published on February 26 with the strange title (and I'll explain why)
"Message of the Permanent Council of the CEM, (sic) to the Christian
communities, (sic) and to all Mozambicans of good will (sic) on the current
challenges of national unity "Mozambican Bishops launch an appeal in
defense of national unity which they consider to be under threat by (a) the
exploitation of the discourse of national unity by certain groups for their own
benefit, (b) the politicization of institutions the State which makes it
difficult to pursue important objectives of the Constitution and, finally, (c)
the reluctance to promote an inclusive dialogue with all the forces of society.
Is more than clear who the target in all this, particularly the idea of
Frelimo which has in the country, an all-powerful Frelimo responsible for all
the evils of a political community in formation. The "message" is, to
me, extremely poor intellectual point of view, based on a populist analysis of
the political situation in the country and is the tone and shape, very
unfortunate and untimely. I'll explain why. But first I want to explain why I
consider the strange title.
I do not
understand why a message that is addressed to the "Christian
community" not the urges to do this or that, but speaks of third parties
(politicians) are not doing. In the case of a private institution if it sends a
message to its members she has to put the responsibilities of members in the
center of his proclamation. This means analyzing a given situation based on
moral precepts that they share and urge them to adopt the type of conduct that
will make the change (or improvement) possible (that's how Thomas Aquinas did
and got to inspire Vladimir Lenin! ). That's what I would do if, for example, was
the chief of a pool. Analyze the situation and appeal to members to commit
further to the principles that our association advocates. Would not in any way
limit all my analysis to the description of what I think that non-members are
not doing well and that should change. Even assuming that some of the ruling
party members to be Christians also my message as a private association, would
be directed to their conscience as Christians.
Also do
not understand why the message is limited "to Mozambicans of goodwill."
I know it comes from a rhetorical device, but in a context that highlights the
misconduct of some would be important to begin by clarifying what is a
Mozambican willingly. The one who believes in God? It is one that respects the
constitution? The one who cares about the others? And if it is, because an
institution claiming the right to speak to the conscience of the people do not
want to drive to Mozambican grudgingly? Why in the name of national unity
fosters divisiveness ...? If the message criticizes are grudgingly because they
should listen to what the CEM has to say? By the way, I do not agree with the
message'm Mozambican grudgingly? I think the strange title.
But worse
than the title is the message itself, and here I will explain my disagreement.
Return to Thomas Aquinas and what he says about obedience to conscience to
better contextualize my disagreement. There is no doubt that with this message
CEM as a moral authority which it judges to be (at least for believers), obeys
his conscience when he speaks of what is evil and wrong. It would be a great
failure not obey their conscience when it requires the Church to speak and
place it next to those who need your support. The problem, however, is that the
Church's intervention is above all a political intervention. When she accuses a
small group to monopolize the national unity of partidarizar the State and to
refuse dialogue (and makes clear that is the talk of the party in power) it
does more than simply listen and respond to their conscience. It produces a
political interpretation that detract from the neutrality that should be
followed to keep your moral stance status. This is particularly problematic as
the analysis that does is deficient. A cursory analysis of the situation in
Mozambique shows naturally that is instrumentalized national unity, which
partidarizam state institutions and that there is a lack of dialogue. But the
question is not just state this. It is also trying to understand what
conditions contribute to making it so. And such considerations can show that
the distribution of faults is not so linear as the CEM supposed. When he uses a
rhetorical device worn as "for those who have eyes to see" (ie when
speaking of the injustices in the country, says they are evident to anyone who
has eyes to see) reveals, in my opinion, the superficial nature of their
approach. The country's situation does not require those who "have eyes to
see." Requires a deeper analysis that the "message" does not.
The wake-up call made by Aquino is important: not everyone who obeys his
conscience is right. Personally, I think the message is a paradigmatic example
of that.
The other
thing I want to mention has to do with the concept of politics that CEM has,
moreover, with the absence of a policy concept in their thinking. This begins
with the use he makes of the notion of "national unity". First I need
to clarify that I have personally asked with regard to this concept because of
its roots in a totalitarian political discourse. A Christian institution should
be sensitive to this, just by looking at your own history and see how high
certain doctrinal values led to intolerance. The EMF would have been happier
talking about "healthy living" or something. "National
Unity" is not worse when a message published in February this year to
deplore it is threatened not say anything, nothing at all, on those who
threatened to divide the country! Anyway.
The CEM
featuring the "national unity" as a common good and explains (and I
quote; the original is underlined): "In fact, it is hard to achieve well
and, therefore, requires a capacity of total renunciation of interests merely
selfish and the constant search for the other's well-being as if it were
itself. The "national unity", so every day is built with the
participation of all Mozambicans: men and women, children and old people, young
and old, without excluding anyone. " That is, at best, confusion and at
worst, the most trivial conversation there. A common good that needs
"total renunciation of purely selfish interests" to be achieved can
hardly serve as a value with practical use for political action. This is the
naive discourse of the development industry and professionalized civil society.
The challenge in Mozambique is not achieving the resignation of "purely
selfish interests", but the creation of conditions within which the
pursuit of these interests does not prevent others from doing the same, or at
least does not imply that others remain to lose . This is the policy object and
can be reached not only with moral appeals, but, and above all, with social
struggles (in the positive sense of the word "fight") and political
action that takes into account the various interests make our society. In this
sense, the CEM missed an excellent opportunity to appeal to the conscience of
the opposition to engage even more with the political game, the only guarantee
of conditions that will reduce the harmful effects of "purely selfish
interests."
So what
is built every day is not the "national unity", but the terms of
healthy coexistence. It's like saying Ernst Renan: the nation is a plebiscite
of every day. I who am not a politician, nor have I committed to any political
program in particular can say here and now that I see the maintenance of the
territorial integrity of Mozambique for all time to a value that deserves my
special investment. In principle, and although regrettable that there
secessionist speeches, I see no problem parts of Mozambique to establish
themselves as new countries from the time that the process leading to this
situation is respectful of the precepts that sustain healthy coexistence. If
the will of a duly legitimized majority to get away from life that makes us as
a nation, who am I to wish otherwise? Who is the CEM to wish otherwise? Who are
we to want the opposite? Insist on it as politically useful value is to reveal
the totalitarian political stance which is the basis of a good part of the
problems we have as a political community.
But it would be surprising that soon
an institutionalized religion were able to see this inconsistency ...
At a time
when the country needs more voices that appeal to the importance of political
action within the framework defined by the spirit and letter of the democratic
constitution appears we have a group of men dressed in robes with an absolutist
moral discourse that promotes, rather than delete, just the sort of attitude
that creates the problems. It is at least strange. I find strange and I do not
understand, honestly, because some people find this useful and timely
intervention. But that's why we're here. Let's discuss. (Elyseo Macamo in
facebook)
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